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The Peace Before the Storm
The Middle East: A History of Searching for Peace
Part 5 of 5 Articles
From the Writings of Marvin J. Rosenthal
Published in Zion's Fire Magazine in September/October, 1993
Samson defeated the enemies
of Israel, but, in the doing, he forfeited his own life. Unlike Samson,
Israel, by God’s grace, will triumph over her enemies, and a remnant will
survive in the end to experience God’s glorious peace.
On September 13, 1993, in
a White House ceremony, America’s President and Secretary of State hosted
an historic ceremony. Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Foreign Minister
Shimon Peres, representing Israel, and PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat, representing
the Palestinians, signed a Declaration of Principles on interim Palestinian
self-government in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The world looked on and,
with few exceptions, called it a great triumph, a break-through after
years of conflict, a courageous move toward peace.
Only a month earlier, Yasser
Arafat and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) were not even recognized
by the United States. And, if Israel had the opportunity, her Mossad (the
equivalent of our CIA) would have assassinated him or, at the least, tried
him as a war criminal, guilty of the most heinous of crimes. Now, before
the world, he was being extolled as a great leader, a national hero, a
peacemaker. It would not be surprising if he were nominated for Man of
the Year or the Nobel Peace Prize in this topsy-turvy age.
Perhaps the prophet Isaiah
had a time like this in mind when he wrote: “Woe unto them that call evil
good, and good evil; that put darkness for light, and light for darkness;
that put bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter!” (Isaiah 5:20).
What events brought the Palestine
Liberation Organization into existence? What “strange” set of circumstances
forced them to acknowledge the existence of the State of Israel, a people
who were their mortal enemy for almost thirty years? Why did the present
Israeli administration agree to negotiate with a terrorist group responsible
for the deaths of countless thousands, and its leader, the greatest adversary
of Israel since Adolph Hitler? And perhaps most importantly, will these
negotiations result in the hoped-for enduring peace?
In the months preceding Israel’s
May of 1948 declaration of nationhood, many Palestinian Arabs chose, of
their own volition, to abandon their homes and lands in what was to become
the State of Israel. Under the United Nations partition plan, they had
the right of full citizenship in the new emerging State of Israel. However,
under the influence of surrounding Arab nations, they were urged to leave
their homes and travel the short distance to the West Bank or the Gaza
Strip. The Arab armies, the Palestinians were told, would invade Israel
on the day she declared herself a nation. It would take a week, perhaps
two, and the Jews would be driven into the Mediterranean Sea. The Arab
victory was a foregone conclusion. The Palestinians could return to their
homes and, as a bonus, possess their former Jewish neighbors’ homes as
well.
But those who chose to leave
and place themselves in opposition to the newly-born State of Israel soon
found themselves in a situation they had not anticipated. The war was
not over in a week or two. A cease-fire with all invading armies was not
reached until July 20, 1949 – more than a year after it had begun. And
Israel, not the invading Arab nations, emerged victorious. Those who chose
to remain in Israel are there to this day, enjoying the benefits of citizenship
and a standard of living far higher than that of the surrounding Arab
nations.
Two refugee populations arose
as a result of the 1948-49 War of Independence, one Jewish and one Palestinian.
About 800,000 Jews, who had lived for centuries within the surrounding
Arab nations, found themselves following the war in what was now, for
a Jew, a hostile and dangerous environment. Notwithstanding the tremendous
burden on the young nation, Israel somehow managed to absorb these disenfranchised
Jews and weave them into the fabric of the Jewish state in the shortest
possible time.
But, for the approximately
equal number of 800,000 Arabs, who had fled Israel to the West Bank or
the Gaza Strip, the situation was far different. They were neither welcomed
nor allowed to enter the surrounding Arab nations. Rather, they were kept
in refugee camps (most frequently mud huts) in poverty, for what would
ultimately amount to 19 years (1948-1967). These former Palestinians were
deliberately used as a political pawn by the Arabs at the United Nations.
The Arab nations placed the cause of the Palestinian dislocation, difficulties,
and poverty at the feet of the Jewish state. And these oft-repeated false
accusations played well before third-world nations and those with anti-Semitic
leanings. It has been calculated that one day’s oil revenue from the wealthy
Middle East nations, who were not hesitant to spend billions on weapons
of warfare, could have covered the cost of resettling all 800,000 of the
dislocated Palestinians. But not one penny was forthcoming in all of the
19 years – not from Saudi Arabia, not from Kuwait, not from any oil-rich
Arab country. Genuine concern for their brethren was nonexistent. Israel
absorbed its sons and daughters – the Arab countries did not.
It was the United Nations
which provided humanitarian relief to the Palestinian refugees through
all of those years, and about ninety percent of the tab was actually paid
by the United States. For a people languishing in poverty and squalor
– a people totally disenfranchised – it was easy to blame the Jews and
the State of Israel for all of their problems.
Out of these circumstances,
the Palestine Liberation Organization was born in 1964. It was Yasser
Arafat who vowed to destroy the Jewish state through terrorism and war.
Attacks by the PLO from the West Bank against Jewish settlements began
in the mid-sixties and were directed almost exclusively against schools,
children, and the defenseless.
However, in 1967, during the
Six-Day War, Israel captured the West Bank in a counter-attack against
an invasion by the forces of King Hussein of Jordan. Those who had been
engaged in terrorist activity against the Jewish state from within the
West Bank now crossed the Jordan River and set up their base of operation
in Jordan. From this new location they stepped up their activity, crossed
into Israel to kill and terrorize, and then fled back across the Jordan
River border for safety. However, the Jordanian border would provide no
sanctuary. Israeli forces, carefully picking their time and methods, would
enter Jordan to locate and destroy the terrorists’ bases of operation.
As attacks against Israel
continued to increase and as the PLO grew stronger, King Hussein realized
that the PLO posed a grave threat to his kingdom and sovereign rule. In
1970, he sent his army of highly trained and fiercely loyal legionnaires
against the PLO bases in his land. More than 20,000 Palestinians were
killed, and the rest were driven from Jordan. Because it was Muslim against
Muslim, Arab against Arab, brother against brother, with Israel uninvolved,
the massacre became known as “Black September.”
These terrorists – some of
whom had lived within what became the boundaries of Israel and had fled
to the West Bank in 1948 and then crossed into Jordan in 1967 – now made
their way to Lebanon in 1970. Lebanon was a small country with a small
army, composed of a number of differing ethnic groups, with a Moslem majority
and a wealthy and influential “Christian” minority. Friction among these
various groups had long festered. Nonetheless, Beirut had been a prosperous
and beautiful city, the banking capital of the Arab world, and a favorite
Middle East vacation destination on the Mediterranean Sea Coast.
Egypt and Syria pressured
the Lebanese government to allow entrance of the PLO into their country
once they had been driven from Jordan, because it served their purpose.
And Saudi Arabia, said to be a “moderate” Arab nation, gladly provided
the funds needed by Yasser Arafat to pay the salaries of his soldiers,
purchase weapons, propagandize his cause through the liberal press, and
launch terrorist raids into Israel and elsewhere. Arafat was also substantially
aided by the former Soviet Union, both in terms of equipment and military
advisers. Helping to put pressure on Israel and hence increasing instability
in the Middle East could, the U.S.S.R. concluded, diminish America’s influence
in that part of the world.
The PLO moved troops into
southern Lebanon as a strategic jump-off point for attacks against Israel’s
northern populations. The attacks came via small boats along the Mediterranean
coast, through infiltration across Israel’s northern border, and from
within Lebanon itself, with Russian-made, Katyusha rocket launchers which
had a range of almost twenty miles and could reach population centers.
After each attack, Israel would retaliate, exacting double payment from
the perpetrators and pressing home the fact that they could not murder
citizens of the sovereign State of Israel with impunity.
Nonetheless, by the mid-1970s,
the PLO had become so powerful that it became its own nation within the
nation of Lebanon. The PLO, feeling invincible and unaccountable, brutally
killed moderate Lebanese leaders, raped young women, and kidnapped those
who would not cooperate with their policy. They thought nothing of forcibly
using Lebanese people for blood transfusions for wounded PLO fighters
until the “donor” died from lack of blood. Fanatical terrorist groups
from all over the world began to train their operatives in Lebanon because
of its favorable environment. And what remained of the Lebanese government
and army were impotent to prevent it. Terrorism, anarchy, and confusion
reigned supreme. In 1975-76, the PLO became the direct catalyst for a
civil war in Lebanon.
In the civil war, upwards
of 80,000 Lebanese people were killed. The world looked on and did nothing.
France did nothing, even though Lebanon had been a protectorate of France
and had enjoyed a close relationship, lest she upset the Arab world and
jeopardize her access to oil. The papacy did nothing, although many of
those who were being systematically killed were Roman Catholic, lest they
incur the anger of the Muslim world. The United Nations did nothing, strongly
influenced as it was by third-world nations who supported the PLO. The
surrounding Arab nations did nothing, endorsing as they did the activity
of the PLO. In fact, Syria had stationed troops in the Bekaa Valley of
southeast Lebanon and contributed to much of the bloodshed, hoping to
acquire a large portion of Lebanon for herself and open up a new military
front against Israel. Even the press said relatively little about this
massacre, always, however, finding occasions to condemn Israel for retaliatory
raids directed against terrorists who had murdered her citizens.
Few in America realize that
only Israel – largely for her own security purposes but also out of genuine
humanitarianism – opened her borders to the sizeable “Christian” community
of southern Lebanon who were trapped, cut-off from the Christian community
in Beirut, and in danger of massacre. The Israeli army provided doctors
and medical care for the wounded, food for the hungry, jobs in northern
Israel for the unemployed, military equipment for the Free Lebanese Army
which had been formed by Major Saad Haddad (a former Lebanese army officer),
and things as basic as phones to call family, and gasoline for their cars.
These activities were carried on through an opening in a fence at the
border, which the Lebanese Christians appropriately called “The Good Fence.”
The terrorists’ raids, frequently
thwarted by the Israeli defense forces or the Free Lebanese Army, continued
to escalate in number. The situation became intolerable for Israel. In
March of 1978, the government launched operation “Litani,” a major military
expedition into the south of Lebanon. Its limited objective was to wipe
out PLO bases in that area and to restore security and normal life to
Israel’s northern district.
Having quickly achieved its
objective, Israel was pressured by the United Nations to withdraw from
Lebanon with the promise that a limited “United Nations Interim Force”
would be established in Lebanon to: (1) ensure Israel’s withdrawal, (2)
restore peace and security to the area, and (3) ensure that no hostile
activities were launched by the PLO against Israel. Only Israel’s withdrawal
was accomplished. The United Nations’ forces failed completely in bringing
peace and security to the region. And far from halting terrorist activity
against Israel, they often “looked the other way” or absented themselves
from an area to be infiltrated, allowing PLO terrorists to enter Israel
to kill and to maim. Some United Nations’ forces from third-world nations
actually aided the terrorists in their activity. Astoundingly, more than
700 terrorists were actually permitted to launch attacks against Israel
from within the United Nations’ security zone itself. On May 15, 1981,
the PLO shelled Israeli villages and settlements along the northern border.
A total of 1,230 salvoes fell on twenty-six settlements. In addition to
the considerable damage, six civilians were killed and fifty-nine were
wounded.
Four times Israel amassed
its troops for a full-scale attack against the PLO in Lebanon, and four
times they withdrew because of political issues and concern for world
opinion. However, between July 24, 1981, and June 4, 1982, the PLO launched
290 attacks against Israel and Jewish interests abroad. The Israeli government
could no longer forbear. At 11 a.m. on June 6, 1982, Israel launched a
combined land and sea assault against the PLO in Lebanon. About 70,000
troops, 1,240 tanks, 1,500 armored personnel carriers – a force roughly
equivalent to six and one-half divisions – participated in the invasion,
including Israel’s navy and air force. The invasion was called “Peace
for Galilee.”
Israel knew that the PLO was
well-armed, highly trained, anticipating the attack, and ready to launch
ambushes all along the way. Israel did not know how the Syrians and other
Arab nations might respond. The Syrian forces were deeply entrenched in
Lebanon. They had committed large numbers of infantry, a formidable tank
force and armored vehicles, hundreds of the most up-to-date Russian Mig
fighter planes, and, in the Bekaa Valley, one of the most impressive ground-to-air
missile defenses ever built.
In six historic days, the
Israeli forces advanced an astounding sixty miles in the face of blistering
heavy fire of every possible kind and across terrain much of which had
been thought militarily impassable. Beirut was surrounded and placed under
siege. Because of treatment by the PLO in Christian East and North Beirut,
the Israeli soldiers were literally welcomed as a liberating army much
like the Americans were when they entered Paris during the Second World
War. And western Beirut became the final defensive enclave of the PLO
in Lebanon.
In the surrounding areas,
Israeli recovery and salvage units located 413 massive PLO underground
ammunition and storage facilities. In them they found more than 5,000
tons of ammunition – enough to fill more than 1,500 military trucks. They
also found 764 vehicles, including tanks and personnel carriers; 26,900
light weapons; 424 artillery and rocket launchers; 1,295 communication
devices; and 1,404 periscopes and field glasses. There was enough stored
equipment to outfit a 30,000 man force, ten times the figure estimated
by Israeli intelligence. It took the army more than a month, around the
clock, to relocate the weaponry to Israel.
The Syrians had decided to
enter the battle on June 7, the second day of the conflict. They hoped
to engage in a limited war and recapture the Golan Heights, which had
been lost to Israel exactly 15 years earlier in the Six-Day War of June
6, 1967. They would pay dearly for their miscalculation. In five days
of fierce fighting, they lost 385 tanks, including 9 Russian T-72s, thought
to be the most powerful tank in the world, and unstoppable. In three days
of super-sophisticated aerial dog fights, the Syrians lost 90 planes without
a single Israeli plane downed. Not since the Second World War had so many
planes engaged in a dog fight in such a short period of time, and within
such a restricted area. And in no other battle in aviation history has
such a loss been borne entirely by one side.
Remote Piloted Vehicles (RPVs),
twelve feet long and mounted with high magnification cameras, relayed
pictures to ground stations and special electronically equipped aircraft.
The Syrians could keep no secrets from the Israeli “spy in the sky” reconnaissance.
Jamming the Syrian radar screens electronically once they were located
and launching laser-guided missiles from both planes and surface batteries,
the “impregnable” Syrian defense system was totally annihilated. This
included the 700 anti-aircraft batteries whose purpose was to protect
the missiles. (Of course, it was far more complex than it sounds.) This
devastated the Russians, for this was their system, designed to protect
their cities from the U.S. Israel had, in effect, “chewed up and spit
out” Russia’s most advanced ground-to-air missile defense system. As a
result, on June 11, Syria accepted a cease-fire, hastily prepared by Philip
Habib, special envoy from the United States.
The PLO continued to fight
on, protected by the human civilian shields they forcibly kept around
them in West Beirut. When Lebanese civilians tried to flee, they were
shot. Finally, on August 12, knowing that all was lost, the PLO sent a
message accepting the offer to withdraw to Arab nations, under Israeli
conditions. They began their withdrawal from Lebanon on August 21, 1982.
As they left Beirut, in a final gesture of defiance, they fired their
automatic rifles and machine guns into the air. These literally thousands
of rounds of ammunition had to come down somewhere – when they did, they
killed 17 Palestinian and Lebanese civilians and wounded 42.
The PLO was defeated, other
terrorist groups packed up and went home, and the Syrian army was shocked
and devastated. But in short order, PLO operatives infiltrated back from
the Arab nations to which they had retreated, into positions from which
they could once again launch acts of terror against Israel. Eleven years
later they were still engaged in terrorism on Israel’s borders, and the
intifida (rebellion, rock throwing, and killing) was a regular event in
the occupied territories.
And then on September 13,
1993, to the surprise of the world, the PLO and Israel, having been secretly
negotiating, signed a “Declaration of Principles” intended to establish
a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. This was done with
the hopeful expectation that Jordan and Syria would soon after come to
terms with Israel, and bring peace to the area at long last.
What changed to bring Chairman
Yasser Arafat to the peace table; to acknowledge Israel’s existence; to
renounce his rhetoric calling for the destruction of the Jewish state?
For those with eyes to see, his words will not be viewed as honorable
or noble. There were four major reasons he chose to negotiate with Israel.
FIRST: He had lost all credibility
and relevance among the Arab nations whose support he desperately needed.
SECOND: Other terrorist groups
like Hamas were arising, even more radical than the PLO, to whom Arafat
was losing many of his leaders.
THIRD: Before the unraveling
of the Soviet Union, Russians trained many of Arafat’s officers in the
U.S.S.R., equipped his forces, and placed instructors in the field. That
assistance was now gone.
FOURTH: And perhaps most significantly,
Arafat made a crucial tactical error. In the Gulf War of January/February
1990, he aggressively backed Saddam Hussein in the invasion of Kuwait,
which had preceded Hussein’s intended invasion of Saudi Arabia, only the
United Nations’ military intervention defeated Hussein’s plan. Saudi Arabia
had for years provided most of the funds for the PLO’s terrorist activity.
Rightly feeling betrayed by Arafat, those funds dried up overnight. Chairman
Arafat backed the wrong horse, and bit the hand that literally fed him.
He came to the peace table motivated by one impulse – self-survival. He
is a thug and a murderer, responsible for the deaths of tens of thousands
of innocent people. The world, guided by pragmatic humanism, looked the
other way, embraced him, and conferred upon him the attributes of “Peacemaker.”
But how did it come about
that Israel, under the leadership of Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres, came
to negotiate with such a vile person? For however distasteful they found
it (and they must have been beyond sick at heart), they did in fact come
to the negotiation table. How is that to be understood?
First, it was the Labor Party
of Yitzhak Rabin which was in power. This is the more liberal of the two
major political parties in Israel. Of the 120 members of the Israeli Knesset
(Parliament), only sixty-one voted in support of the agreement with the
PLO (one vote over 50 percent). And of the sixty-one, five were Arab-Israeli
votes. Fifty-one voted against and eight abstained. By no measuring standard
could it be said that the support ran deep or wide within the nation for
the agreement.
Second, recognizing that Yasser
Arafat was in a position of weakness, holding onto power by his fingernails,
and observing an increase in extreme fundamentalism within the Arab world
that would one day erupt into a holy war if the Arab/Israeli conflict
were not ended, Israeli leaders viewed negotiations with Arafat as the
lesser of two evils.
Third, Israel has been worn
down. Not so much physically, but emotionally and psychologically. In
her modern history of forty-five years, she has had to fight five wars
and persistent, unending terrorism directed against her people. Many of
her young men have been killed, her treasury disproportionately used for
military purposes, her intellect channeled into national security projects,
and her very existence sometimes in the balance. Constantly opposed by
the United Nations, economically boycotted by nations and corporations,
frequently attacked and misrepresented in the world press, she just grew
tired.
Worn down and exhausted, some
became willing to give land for peace, to gamble with the nation’s future,
to recognize the PLO and negotiate with Yasser Arafat. I believe that
history will one day record that her gamble was a singularly tragic error.
The conflict between Islam
and Israel is not economic, political, or geographical; the conflict is
spiritual. The fact that a Jewish state exists in a land area which from
the seventh century until the nineteenth (with but a brief and partial
interlude during the Crusades) belonged to Islam is like a bone in the
throat that cannot be extricated. Compromising, by giving land for peace,
will be seen as weakness, and returning all or part of the Golan Heights
to Syria will be viewed as foolishness. The collective Arab armies could
not defeat the army of Israel on the battlefield; but having worn Israel
down, they are winning a major campaign through negotiation – a platform
to better launch an attack against her during a more opportune day.
The Palestinians are being
given the West Bank and Gaza in increments, a little at a time over a
five-year period. First, the Gaza Strip and the area of Jericho. After
a brief period of time, a second area, and then a third will be surrendered.
And in due course, probably in two to three years (about 1996), the status
of Jerusalem will come up. Israel calls Jerusalem her “Eternal Capital.”
The lieutenants of Yasser Arafat are already claiming East Jerusalem (which
is part of the West Bank), to be the capital of the emerging Palestinian
state. At the time of this writing, Palestinian flags have already been
seen flying in East Jerusalem. Those who suggest that Israel will never
allow Jerusalem to be divided need to be reminded that a few weeks ago
no one in Israel would ever have believed that the PLO would be recognized
or negotiations carried on with Yasser Arafat. The pressure placed on
Israel by the nations of the world to keep the peace process moving ahead
will be irresistible. And inseparably connected to the Jerusalem issue,
like a newborn connected by an umbilical cord to its mother, will be the
issue of the Temple Mount. For Muhammadanism, the Mount is her third most
holy site after only Mecca and Medina. On the Mount is the Dome of the
Rock, which, according to Muslim tradition, is the spot from which Muhammad
ascended into Heaven lest he be outdone by the nearby “actual” ascension
of Christ. Nearby stands the Al Aqsa Mosque, holy place of worship.
For the Jews, the Temple Mount
is revered as the spot to which Father Abraham came to offer Isaac; the
place where King David defeated the wicked Jebusites, built his capital,
and called it Jerusalem (the City of Peace); and the place where his son,
Solomon, built the Temple (house) for God; the place where the priests
of Israel performed their tasks as mandated in the Mosaic Law, and sinners
found acceptance before God; the place where Jews worshipped for 1,500
years, long before Muhammadanism was born in the deserts of Arabia.
Astoundingly, man’s quest
for peace (apart from God) will take him to the land of Israel, the city
of Jerusalem, and a seventeen-acre plateau called the Temple Mount, just
north of the Sinai Desert, along the ancient Patriarchal Highway that
leads from Egypt to Assyria. It is here that I can only speculate. I believe
that, like the city, the Temple Mount will be divided, perhaps with a
wall running east and west. The Dome of the Rock and Al Aqsa Mosque will
remain places of Islamic worship. To the north, on the other side of the
wall, perhaps in line with the Eastern Gate, a modest temple – already
being designed by the Temple Institute in the Old City – will be hastily
erected. Animal sacrifices, halted by the Romans more than nineteen hundred
years ago, will be reinstituted. I believe all of this may come about
by tremendous pressure being placed on Israel to make concessions and
powerful promises given to her of security and peace – all by one who
will govern a coalition of ten nations.
Is Yasser Arafat the Antichrist
as some have suggested? He doesn’t come close to the biblical pattern.
Are the agreements being hammered out between the Palestinians and Israelis
the covenant referred to by the prophet Daniel (Daniel 9:24-27)? I think
not. Does what is happening at present between Israel and her neighbors
have importance prophetically? I strongly believe it does. It is helping
to put the pieces into place for the commencement of the climactic events
of history. This will include a major invasion of Israel by the surrounding
nations to whom Israel is now giving strategic militarily significant
land areas.
Soon, I believe, the curtain
will go up and the four horsemen of the Apocalypse will gallop onto the
stage of human history. Only, it will not be a drama – it will be real
life! Through the prophet Zechariah, God said: “Behold, I will make Jerusalem
a cup of trembling unto all the people round about, when they shall be
in the siege both against Judah and against Jerusalem. And in that day
will I make Jerusalem a burdensome stone for all people: all that burden
themselves with it shall be cut in pieces, though all the people of the
earth be gathered together against it” (Zechariah 12:2-3).
The Lord Jesus Christ is the
still point in a changing world. Only through faith in Him and obedience
to His Word can men be prepared to face the events soon to explode in
Jerusalem like an atomic bomb. The fallout will cover the earth until
the Son of Righteousness appears with healing in His wings. Only then
will Israel’s long search for shalom (peace) become a reality in the earth.
The Peace Before the Storm
The Middle East: A History of Searching for Peace
Part 5 of 5 Articles
From the Writings of Marvin J. Rosenthal
Published in Zion's Fire Magazine in September/October, 1993
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